advertorial

The screenshot above is The Guardian newspaper advertorial of April 18, 2019, showing a Florida U.S. court judgment of February 19, 2019, listing Nnamdi Kanu, Uche Mefor, and four others as co-conspirators with Ms. Candy C. Stallworth, convicted on plea bargain for criminal defamation against Dr. Clifford Iroanya.

The criminal defamation was carried out in the desperation of the conspirators to permanently silence Dr. Iroanya following sharp disagreements within the IPOB Collegiate Leadership called the “IPOB Directorate of State (DOS),” over the attempt of Nnamdi Kanu to renege from an Accord reached in Kuje Prison on February 28, 2017, midwifed and guaranteed by a faction of the DOS led by Dr. Iroanya, which considered the said Accord fundamental to progress in the liberation movement IPOB tried to associate itself with.

Nnamdi Kanu went ahead to renege on the Kuje Accord, assumed the title of “Supreme Leader,” disbanded the DOS that sought to uphold the Kuje Accord, and appointed the Chika Edoziem-led DOS, which was willing to go with him on the heinous path of treachery he chose.

That refusal to go with Nnamdi Kanu on the path of treachery was the “insubordination” cited by Nnamdi Kanu for disbanding that DOS, and the solo control as unquestionable “Supreme Leader” was the beginning of the journey of damnation that landed him in the current Sokoto Quarantine Facility while leaving Igboland in a pool of its own blood as he (Nnamdi Kanu), Chika Edoziem, Chinasa Nworu, and others had floated the ESN Bloodletting Conglomerate.

From Kuje Accord to Washington Consensus

(First published 19 September 2017)

In response to the deluge of enquiries that had trailed the recent Washington Consensus (September 6, 2017), in which various agitation groups, including MASSOB and IPOB, formally embraced the LNC-NINAS Referendum Template and in which all agreed to advance a cohesive Lower Niger Independence Movement, driving one compact Referendum Campaign, I wish to directly respond to some of the issues being raised about the internal difficulties in the IPOB hierarchy, as relating to the recent adoption of the LNC-NINAS Referendum Template by IPOB, MASSOB, and other Biafra groups.

I begin by stating that I am not a member of IPOB and will therefore not know what their internal wrangling or difficulties were or are.

However, the circumstances surrounding the “expulsion” of Clifford Iroanya and some of the persons you named (some of them I do not know, have never met, nor spoken with to date), who now carry on as the DOS, are matters that transpired within my view and arose from their efforts to bring all the initiatives for self-determination in Eastern Nigeria into harmony and under the structured, directional, timelined framework provided by the LNC-NINAS Referendum Template.

Towards this goal, it took almost five months of day-and-night pushing and pulling for Clifford to set up the meeting I had with Nnamdi in Kuje on February 28, 2017, in the presence of Charles Soludo, Pat Utomi, Udenta Udenta, Ferdinand Agu, Law Mefor, and the rest of the Nzuko Umunna Delegation (of which I was part), who went to discuss with Nnamdi on that 28th day of February 2017.

Nnamdi narrated to the delegation what had transpired between himself and myself and, by extension, between IPOB and the LNC in 2013—the ideological and methodological differences that became the reason for the different trajectories taken by the two organizations.

The key disagreement was that the LNC presented a Template for Referendum as an integral part of its matrix of strategies, which included a decisive engagement to delegitimize, incapacitate, and inter the fraudulent 1999 Constitution, to deliver the self-determination/independence goal that all the groups seemed to have in common. Nnamdi had rejected these flatly in our 2013 meeting, which lasted over four hours. However, at the Kuje meeting of February 28, 2017, he expressly committed, on behalf of the IPOB he led, to embrace the LNC-NINAS Referendum Route and Template.

An announcement of this development was to follow on both Radio Biafra London (RBL) and Radio Biafra International (RBi) simultaneously, but the controllers of RBL opposed this Kuje Accord and refused to make any such announcement, for whatever their reasons.

The next thing was an order to Clifford and his colleagues in RBi to halt the announcement of the Kuje Accord, which had been delayed for almost three weeks, at my instance, to allow for the peaceful resolution of whatever internal difficulties the IPOB hierarchy may have had. Instead of this peaceful resolution, more suspensions were announced as more people aligned with the Kuje Accord.

The choice before Clifford and his compatriots was to either derail the Accord by shutting down both the announcement and the new RBi (which I am informed had been their collective decision in January 2017 before the February meeting), or to save the Accord by going ahead with the announcement and the RBi. They chose the latter, and the next thing was the string of expulsions, which were accompanied by loads of allegations of financial improprieties and gross insubordination.

All attempts to make peace (including by MASSOB and others) failed, and so by June 2017, MASSOB made the announcement of adopting the LNC-NINAS Referendum Template. Four days later, IPOB (DOS) made a formal announcement of the same adoption of the LNC-NINAS Referendum Template.

What we went to do in Washington from September 1–5, 2017, was to give effect to the Kuje Accord of February 28, 2017, personally negotiated by Nnamdi and myself in the presence of fourteen living witnesses.

This account of what transpired is given from my personal knowledge, having been directly involved.

If there be other disputes internal to the IPOB hierarchy, I am in no position to know.

Let it also be known that beyond the aforesaid ideological and methodological differences, neither myself nor the LNC has any quarrels or conflicts with any of the self-determination groups in the Lower Niger, more so now that the LNC has succeeded in persuading the various Biafran groups and Niger Delta agitation groups to adopt the totally non-violent LNC-NINAS Referendum Template towards the resolution of the well-known constitutional grievances of Eastern Nigeria, outstanding since after Aburi in 1967.

Tony Nnadi
Secretary General, Lower Niger Congress (LNC)
September 19, 2017

The LNC-NINAS 8-Point Strategy Over Which It Differs Irreconcilably with the “Biafra Restoration” Agitation Groups

Link:

https://www.facebook.com/share/1ExhCMK8jK/?mibextid=wwXIfr

Why LNC-NINAS Rejects the Rogue “Biafra” Franchise

The video clip below was extracted from a May 2021 virtual meeting of LNC-NINAS’s Tony Nnadi with a global Yoruba diaspora audience on the NINAS Constitutional Force Majeure.

A Yoruba participant had asked why the LNC-NINAS rejected working with Nnamdi Kanu and his IPOB.